BEHDINAN – After the 28 May elections, discussions continue on the Labor and Freedom Alliance, the components of the alliance, the HDP and the Kurdish Freedom Movement. KCK Executive Council Member Mustafa Karasu, who evaluated the increasing attrition campaigns against the HDP in the recent period, said that the HDP is intended to be worn out and weakened by special war attacks.
Expressing that there are already criticisms for the HDP and that they see criticism and self-criticism as the dynamics of development, Karasu said, “However, saying that the HDP is not fighting for the freedom of the Kurdish people is a complete special war attack. It is black propaganda,” he said.
Emphasizing that there is no other political movement in Bakure Kurdistan that defends the struggle of the Kurdish people under legal conditions as the HDP, Karasu said, “Therefore, thousands of them have been thrown into prisons and they are subjected to heavy oppression every day. All this is done because the Kurdish people do not give up their struggle for freedom. This struggle is being discouraged. It is unscrupulous, to say the least, to make statements as if they are not defending the Kurds when this reality is evident. In fact, it is a waste of mind to even discuss this issue. They are only those who want to wear down and weaken the HDP in the eyes of the Kurdish people.”
HDP SHOULD GO OVER THE VOTE RATE IN 2015
The answers of KCK Executive Council Member Mustafa Karasu to ANF’s questions are as follows:
There are oppression and attacks on HDP. It is also seen that serious special war attacks are being carried out. These attacks have many dimensions, of course, but before I move on to this, I would like to ask: Did the HDP fail in this election, and if so, what deficiencies did it cause?
This election could not be entered with the HDP. The closure case was on the agenda for 2 years. They left the decision about the closure to the selection process. If there was an election with the HDP, they would have closed it. In fact, they might not be able to stand in the election with a party. In this respect, it is also a success for them to enter the election with a party. Presumably, there were also problems caused by being in limbo for a long time. Dealing with the results of the Green Left in the HDP’s Labor and Freedom Alliance in the context of success and failure creates problems in making correct assessments.
He had important goals. They were aiming to exceed the vote rate in 2015. They have not been successful in terms of not achieving these goals. They had to achieve these goals. Because despite all the pressures, they could not weaken the Kurdish freedom struggle. The AKP-MHP government was also brought to the point of collapse. These results could be achieved if well organized and well studied in this environment. We say this considering the strength of the HDP line. Otherwise, no political party can even exist under such heavy attacks. The eight-year resistance of the HDP is clear proof of how strong this party is ideologically, politically and socially.
It is a diversion to look for the inadequacy and failure to achieve the desired results in HDP’s basic policies. The HDP line and the policies it followed increased the votes from a maximum of 6.5 percent to 13.5 percent. Despite all the liquidation policies, this line still maintains its power and influence. Inadequacies, deficiencies and failure to achieve the desired results are related to the practicality problems of this line.
We have been criticizing the organization and working style of the democratic political field for years. Rêber Apo was also criticizing the disorganization and pacifism in his criticisms of the democratic political arena about organizing the people and developing actions before April 5th. Undoubtedly, petty-bourgeois and middle-class segments can also take part in the freedom struggle. However, in the face of oppression, these segments adopted the approach of transforming their political, organizational and operational understanding into a general political, organizational and operational line. Thus, they withdrew organizational and operational work. The share of these understandings and attitudes is important in the pullbacks experienced in the organizational and operational field in recent years. Of course, the pressures are heavy; they cannot be ignored. However, if the understanding is correct, these pressures will be overcome with new ways, methods and styles.
THE FAILURE TO RESPONSE TO IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL DIVERSE AND ATTACKS Arose
It is also understood from the post-election debates that education and ideological work are insufficient in achieving the desired success. It has also emerged that the AKP-MHP, MIT and KDP supporters were not able to respond correctly to the confusion, ideological and political diversion and attacks. While there are heavy attacks on HDP’s founding philosophy, ideological and political lines under the name of criticism, their inability to neutralize them with the right answer reveals the lack of education on this subject. This inadequacy shown in the face of ideological attacks shows the source of the efforts and the inability to get the desired results.
Undoubtedly, as a democratic socialist party, it should be taken as a basis to determine the parliamentary candidates with the participation of the people. Their inability to do so is a major shortcoming. They used to do this a little bit. It seems that this time they failed. The late determination of which party to join, the lateness of alliances and the inability to manage well, and the earthquake brought about their inability to use this method. They are already aware of this shortcoming. Despite all these shortcomings, not a single deputy has decreased in Kurdistan compared to the past. If there is a Kurdish democratic movement in HDP’s main body, considering the conditions, it would be unfair to those who created these results to approach it with a negative approach and style.
HDP says that it is a political movement in line with a democratic society. As such, organizing the society from below is the most basic task. It has experienced a narrowing in this issue in recent years and has become a classical party that organizes itself above the society. Undoubtedly, this situation should be seen as the most important factor in not implementing the HDP idea correctly and not getting the desired results.
THE FIGHT SHOULD NOT BE LIMITED TO THE PARLIAMENT
On the other hand, it is an ideological, political and organizational deviation to squeeze the struggle into the parliament at this level, as if the Kurdistan people’s struggle for freedom and Turkey’s struggle for democracy will actually develop here. Even in Europe, democracy is no longer seen as going to the polls every four years and choosing the parliament. In this respect, we agree with all of the criticisms that the struggle is limited to the parliament and democratization will develop with the positioning here. HDP has radical democracy in its mindset. Then, organizing the society from the bottom up and basing the struggle here should be taken as a basis.
Evaluations made with mathematical approaches to the election results come to the fore too much. Especially when it comes to HDP, this mathematical point of view is revealed. In general, how accurate is it to consider the election results purely mathematically; How realistic is it to do an HDP analysis with mathematical data?
Mathematical results can also be the subject of evaluations. However, it is seen that evaluations are made without considering the conditions in addition to handling this in its own way.
It is clear that no mathematical evaluation can be made that the Kurdish people’s commitment to the HDP has weakened. The people remain loyal despite all the pressures; He has clearly demonstrated his stance against the AKP-MHP, which carries out a policy of genocide against the Kurdish people. AKP-MHP wanted to break the will of freedom of the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people have shown that their will for freedom cannot be broken and that they insist on freedom in this election as in every other opportunity. The HDP’s heavy pressure and thousands of arrests are the result of the Kurdish people’s will to exist and live freely, and their persistence in their struggle on this issue. First of all, it is necessary to say the following from the point of view of both the people and the HDP; survives despite such pressures, if it does not suffer a defeat and a serious failure, it means that a strengthening such as watering this steel has taken place in a struggle based on decades. The loss of a few hundred thousand votes here cannot show this fact differently. Based on this, the perception of a defeat and a serious failure cannot be created. If this is being done, it is absolutely necessary to look for ulterior motives here. It should be criticism, it should be self-criticism, but it should be on the right basis, it should be on an empowering basis. On the other hand, criticisms and evaluations aiming at weakening cannot be taken into account. but it has to be on the right basis, on an empowering basis. On the other hand, criticisms and evaluations aiming at weakening cannot be taken into account. but it has to be on the right basis, on an empowering basis. On the other hand, criticisms and evaluations aiming at weakening cannot be taken into account.
THE NORMALITY AND Legitimacy of the Elections MUST BE DISCUSSED
To evaluate only on some numbers is to accept that a normal choice has been made. First of all, it is necessary to decide whether this election was held under normal conditions, whether it is legitimate or not. After that, evaluations should be made. Where there is deficiency, where there is inadequacy, where there is failure, should be revealed. Otherwise, drawing a picture of failure in a wholesale way has no meaning other than showing the current reality differently.
Those who have recently evaluated the HDP are constantly evaluating the attitude of the Kurds. The Kurdish people know best the conditions under which the elections were held in Kurdistan. As we have stated, the number of deputies in Kurdistan has not decreased, in fact, there has been a small increase. There is some talk of a decrease in votes. Undoubtedly, the HDP-Green Left Party should have been more successful. We have nothing to say to such criticisms. However, since there are those who want to show it as if there is a defeat and a great failure, we found it necessary to specify them.
The election of co-mayors for two consecutive times and the appointment of trustees to them had effects on the partial development of disbelief in the ballot box among the Kurdish people. On the other hand, it is also possible for these trustees to intensely apply other dimensions of oppression in line with AKP-MHP policies. Undoubtedly, these should not be used as a justification for the real deficiencies and inadequacies of the HDP.
The attitude of the Kurdish people regarding the presidential elections has been very clear. He voted overwhelmingly, without hesitation, to make Erdogan lose. The fact that around 150 thousand ballot boxes were not held in the 2nd round due to the CHP’s relationship with Ümit Özdağ does not mean a change in the attitude of the Kurdish people. This reduction in round 2 is understandable. However, it is also known that there are those who do not go for other reasons.
IDEOLOGICAL POLITICAL ATTACKS AGAINST YEARS HAVE BEEN AGAIN
Serious and comprehensive discussions are being carried out on HDP, Green Left Party. First of all, what is the HDP idea and what purpose does it have in terms of understanding all these discussions correctly?
The basis of the criticisms against HDP, especially made through virtual media and voiced on some TVs, is not to eliminate the shortcomings of HDP and to make HDP stronger and more effective. In fact, it is the re-emergence of the ideological-political attacks on the Kurdish Freedom Movement for decades. Some of the shortcomings and unsuccessful situations of HDP are taken advantage of and these attacks are updated based on this. Without seeing this reality, it is not possible to make sense of the post-election attacks and confusion. The main attack is on the founding philosophy and idea of HDP. Therefore, it is for those who put forward this philosophy and idea.
It is known that the founding philosophy and idea of HDP is based on Rêber Apo’s understanding of the democratic nation against the nation-state, putting forward democratic confederalism against the statist mentality, and on this basis proposing a solution of democratic autonomy in the reality of Turkey. Rêber Apo has revealed step by step how the democratic solution of the Kurdish problem and democratization of Turkey should be in line with the paradigm of a women’s libertarian ecological democratic society. First, he further embodied its philosophical and ideological direction, then its organizational and action line, and on this basis, his views on the democratic solution of the Kurdish question and democratization of Turkey. The pre-HDP parties were also in the process of organizing themselves on the basis of this new paradigm and determining and practising their political lines on this basis.
Without knowing how all the Kurdish movements and the democratic political line in the 4 parts of Kurdistan emerged, we can neither understand the Kurdish democratic political movement nor the HDP, which is one of its last representatives. Guerrilla warfare started in Bakure Kurdistan in 1984. The people both supported the guerrilla and followed it with interest. When it was understood that the guerrilla could not be crushed, the serhildana started in 1989. As a result of the guerrilla struggle, large serhildans developed in the 1990s. These were also the democratic revolution. HEP and later parties emerged on the stage of history as democratic political movements based on these serhildans and the democratic revolution. Neither the HDP nor the previous parties can be understood without seeing this reality. When we say democratic political movement in Kurdistan, this reality should be seen. In essence, this is the foundation on which it is based.
HDP IS NOT JUST A KURDISH PARTY
HDP expresses the meeting of this democratic society based on the democratic revolution that developed in Kurdistan, with the democratic revolutionary mentality created by Turkey’s revolutionary democratic movement and the political and social movement created by it. It only makes sense when evaluating and criticizing the HDP line if it is based on this reality. It is accepted that HDP was built to eliminate its deficiencies and inadequacies and to strengthen it.
HDP is not just a Kurdish party. HDP is the party of all democratic forces from both Kurds and Turkey, all oppressed ethnic and religious communities, women and youth. From this point of view, it is a wrong assessment to consider HDP as just a Kurdish party. HDP has many components. DBP is one of them. Undoubtedly, the social body of the HDP consists mainly of the Kurdish democratic movement, hence the Kurds. It aims at democratization of Turkey and the solution of the Kurdish problem. Because it is the most basic proposition of this idea and political line that Turkey will not democratize until the Kurdish issue is resolved. For this reason, the solution of the Kurdish problem is one of the principles of its policy.
HDP AIMS TO REALIZE THE APPROACH OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATION
With 50 years of struggle, the Kurds realized their political organization with their own identity; important organizational structures, political social organizations have created important developments in the cultural field. Kurds now have social, political, cultural and military organizations with their own identities. Now the task should be to transform all these developments into tangible gains. During the 50 years of struggle, tremendous progress has been made in many respects. Whatever important development and gains exist in the 4 parts of Kurdistan at the moment, it is the result of 50 years of struggle; or largely marked by it.
Very important gains were also made in Bakure Kurdistan. HDP’s idea and struggle aims to turn these gains into concrete gains with democratic Turkey and Free Kurdistan. It aims to achieve this on the basis of a democratic nation understanding by going beyond the nation-state understandings. This understanding expresses the strategy and policy of the Turkish state to end the genocide policy. It should never be forgotten that the main policy of the Turkish state is genocide. On the first day that Rêber Apo said Kurdistan is a colony, he emphasized that the Turkish state is also genocidal. The Turkish state aims to make Kurdistan the spreading area of Turkish nationhood, expressing this reality strikingly. With this awareness, Rêber Apo started a great struggle, his whole struggle, strategy, and its policies and tactics were based on nullifying this sinister purpose, perpetuating the Kurdish existence and ensuring its freedom. This reality should never be forgotten when evaluating Rêber Apo’s entire life, struggle and policies.
The emergence of the HDP idea should also be considered within this framework. All evaluations made outside this framework are distortions or demagogic discourses.
KURDISH IS ELIMINATED FROM THE GRAND OF GENOCIDE BY DEMOCRATICATION
Kurdistan is not an overseas colonial country. Considering this reality, the policies followed by the genocidal colonialists throughout Turkey directly affect Kurdistan. In this respect, democratization of Turkey directly concerns the Kurds. Approaches such as Turkey’s democratization are none of our business have no political value. It is an empty, demagogic discourse. Or something that can be said at the game table in a coffee shop. On the contrary, Turkey’s democratization concerns us directly; Therefore, it imposes great responsibilities on us. The Kurds have become a democratic people’s reality with their struggle and serhildans and have become the engine of democratization of Turkey. The HDP formation was developed within the framework of this responsibility. This is essentially the responsibility of liberating the Kurdish people. Because if the policy of genocide is not prevented on the basis of democratization, it is also difficult to liberate the Kurdish people. The genocidal Turkish state is also hostile to democracy, with the understanding that the Kurds will benefit and get rid of the grip of genocide and gain freedom. In this respect, there is a direct link between Turkey’s democratization and the Kurds’ attainment of a free and democratic life on the basis of democratic autonomy.
HDP’s ideas and policies aim at this. It is for this reason that heavy pressures are put on the HDP and thousands of them are arrested. Because the HDP is failing the Turkish state’s hundred-year-old policy. Preventing Turkey’s democratization and isolating and oppressing the Kurds is the most basic policy of this state. Since HDP is seen as a move and a coup against this policy, it is seen as an enemy.
In terms of achieving the goals envisaged by the HDP, the Kurdish people must reach the strongest organizing and fighting power. Again, it should be able to include all political forces, ethnic and religious communities, democratic social organizations in favor of democracy in Turkey, and become the biggest and most effective political power in determining the politics in Turkey. All criticisms and evaluations to HDP are meaningful when they are made on this axis. It is seen as criticism made to HDP. Otherwise, it may be the job of anti-HDP forces and those who want to liquidate the HDP to distance the HDP from this formation philosophy, idea and policies based on it.
ON DISCUSSIONS OF NO NOMINATION
Of course, while the HDP idea is being evaluated, the issue of the 3rd Way is also very important. Evaluations are made that the HDP has deviated from the third way. What are your impressions about it?
It is clear that HDP is the 3rd way. This means that it has an ideological-political stance other than the religious-nationalism expressed in the AKP-MHP and the Kemalist-nationalism represented mainly by the CHP. We do not understand how there is such a thing as deviation from this. There are always tactics in the political struggle. These cannot be considered as deviations from the ideological political line. HDP requested votes for itself in the parliamentary elections. Voters know what they are voting for. Not nominating a candidate in the presidential election and supporting another candidate cannot be considered as leaving the 3rd Way. Undoubtedly, there are important criticisms made to make the HDP’s line effective. However, there are also those who want to deviate from the founding philosophy and idea of HDP by saying that the HDP has gone the 3rd way.
HDP followed a tactic to make the AKP-MHP lose in the 2019 local elections. It also had important consequences. He applied this tactic for himself, not to win the CHP. Otherwise, the AKP-MHP would have grown stronger and carried out the attacks on the Kurds more recklessly. HDP’s pro-democracy stance made it possible for various segments and the people of Turkey who are pro-democracy to embrace the HDP. This policy cannot be considered as a deviation from the 3rd way. If Erdoğan had lost in the 14-28 May presidential election, some objective grounds in terms of democratic change could have emerged. This policy was not wrong either, but it was not successful. There are those who say that if the candidate had been nominated in the first round, maybe Erdogan could have lost in the second round. This is a thought, it cannot be said for sure that it would be like that. Looking at the current result, it can be said that it would be better if it was like this. However, 3. The majority of those who say that the road has not been implemented are those who say why Kılıçdaroğlu was supported, and these are discourses aimed at wearing down the HDP. We do not know exactly how right those who say that Erdogan might have lost if he was nominated in the 1st round were right.
However, there was such an atmosphere after the earthquake that if the HDP had put out its own candidate, the majority of those who wanted the AKP-MHP to go would have made the HDP the scapegoat. Some of those who say that they should nominate candidates in the 1st round at the moment would have been on the side of the critics then.
When will HDP-YSP get out of the 3rd way! If Türkiye does not appeal to the peoples and forces of democracy, it does not include the widest circles; if it becomes just a Kurdish party then the 3rd line loses its position. Because the 3rd road is a separate road addressing the whole of Turkey against the two blocks that are effective in Turkey.
The 3rd way will of course follow tactics; maybe it can become the 3rd way by making more creative tactics and alliances than others. Of course, it can do this without departing from the ideological-political line that constitutes its founding philosophy and idea.
If Erdogan had been lost, it would have been the HDP who had made it happen. The HDP and the Kurds did their part in this regard, both in the 1st and 2nd rounds. The main responsible for not making Erdoğan lose is the 6-party table, especially the CHP.
Those who say that HDP has left the 3rd way are actually those who do not understand what the 3rd way is. Those who consider the policy of making the AKP-MHP lose their way out of the third way are actually those who say that HDP and Kurds should not engage in politics and tactics.
HDP IS THE PARTY TO BRING ALL WORKERS TO A FREE AND DEMOCRATIC LIVES
The special war waged on the HDP is basically two-dimensional. Paradoxically, on the one hand, there are comments on why it is Turkish, going back to the past, on the other hand, there are evaluations that the HDP remained too local and could not become Turkish. First of all, what is the main aim with the comments that the HDP has moved away from Kurdism, that the alliance with the democratic forces of Turkey did not win and that it should return to its old policies?
From HEP to HADEP to DTP, Turkish revolutionary democrats have always been nominated in the elections. This has been an attitude stemming from the non-nationalist character of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. Turkish left democrats have always been nominated, especially from Turkish metropolises. This was becoming more practical as a policy of the democratic Kurdish movement and parties. In this respect, the nomination of left democrats and socialists did not start with the HDP. However, the founding philosophy and idea of HDP was based on a more comprehensive strategy and policy. This strategy is not just to make some Turkish democrats and socialists parliamentarians within the framework of a party. As we have stated in the previous questions, it has aimed to bring together the Kurdish democratic movement and experience and all of Turkey’s democratic and leftist accumulation in this party and to wage a common struggle. In this respect, it has emerged on the stage of history as the party of not only Kurds, but also all democratic forces, including the left and socialists, and different ethnic and religious communities. It is the party of the Kurds; but it is not only the party of the Kurds. It is the party of all oppressed and pro-democracy. Because, on the basis of democratizing Turkey, it is the party of bringing all oppressed and working people, especially Kurds and Alevis, to a free and democratic life. but it is not only the party of the Kurds. It is the party of all oppressed and pro-democracy. Because, on the basis of democratizing Turkey, it is the party of bringing all oppressed and working people, especially Kurds and Alevis, to a free and democratic life. but it is not only the party of the Kurds. It is the party of all oppressed and pro-democracy. Because, on the basis of democratizing Turkey, it is the party of bringing all oppressed and working people, especially Kurds and Alevis, to a free and democratic life.
When this party emerged, campaigns were carried out to undermine the HDP, asking why it does not become a Kurdish party, why does it not call itself a Kurdish party. In this respect, the rhetoric that he has moved away from Kurdism is not new. On the one hand, the special war apparatus of the state was doing this, on the other hand, such propaganda was being made by the primitive nationalist KDP supporters. However, it was mainly aimed at the creators of this idea and the political ground on which it was based. Those who did not benefit Kurdishness, those who did not pay the price for being Kurdish, and the KDP, which saw Kurdishness as dominating the people in one or two cities, were making such attacks and black propaganda. Now, when the HDP could not reach the targets it set in front of it in the elections, both these circles, the special war and the MIT started to froth such black propaganda. With this, the HDP and the Kurdish Freedom Movement are mainly intended to be weakened.
There is already criticism for HDP. Criticism and self-criticism are the dynamics of development. However, saying that the HDP is not fighting for the freedom of the Kurdish people is a special war attack. It is black propaganda. Presumably, if we say that a person is crazy 40 times, they believe that he is crazy or they are expressed with a logic as if he is crazy. There is no other political movement in Bakure Kurdistan that defends the struggle of the Kurdish people under legal conditions as the HDP. For this reason, thousands of them have been thrown into dungeons, and they are under heavy pressure every day. All this is done because the Kurdish people do not give up their struggle for freedom. This struggle is being discouraged. It is unscrupulous, to say the least, to make statements as if they are not defending the Kurds when this reality is evident. In fact, it is a waste of mind to even discuss this issue. They are only those who want to wear down and weaken the HDP in the eyes of the Kurdish people. But the sun could not be plastered with mud. Neither the Kurdish people nor the Kurdish democratic political forces were taken outside or in prison. They have defended the dignity of Kurdishness, its free and democratic life and all its rights without hesitation. Even saying such things reveals what the mean of the circles who say this. Due to the intense troll attacks and special war campaign, there are some patriotic and honest people who believe such rhetoric as if it were true. They will soon realize that this is not the case. Because, in the face of the facts, it becomes clear in a short time that these discourses are perception creation operations. They have defended the dignity of Kurdishness, its free and democratic life and all its rights without hesitation. Even saying such things reveals what the mean of the circles who say this. Due to the intense troll attacks and special war campaign, there are some patriotic and honest people who believe such rhetoric as if it were true. They will soon realize that this is not the case. Because, in the face of the facts, it becomes clear in a short time that these discourses are perception creation operations. They have defended the dignity of Kurdishness, its free and democratic life and all its rights without hesitation. Even saying such things reveals what the mean of the circles who say this. Due to the intense troll attacks and special war campaign, there are some patriotic and honest people who believe such rhetoric as if it were true. They will soon realize that this is not the case. Because, in the face of the facts, it becomes clear in a short time that these discourses are perception creation operations. They will soon realize that this is not the case. Because, in the face of the facts, it becomes clear in a short time that these discourses are perception creation operations. They will soon realize that this is not the case. Because, in the face of the facts, it becomes clear in a short time that these discourses are perception creation operations.
THE TURKISH STATE IS TRYING TO DESTROY THE STRUGGLE WITH THE KDP
HDP is also a party of Kurds, but not only of Kurds. It is not a nationalist party. In fact, they want to break HDP’s 50-year-old struggle line and move it to a nationalist line that will make the Kurds lose. This is not possible. Then it loses the power sources on which it is based. First of all, the Kurdish people will lose. For 50 years, the Kurds have won with their patriotic democratic mentality and struggles, far from nationalism. By this they are now among the honorable peoples of the world. With this line, they smashed the cage of genocide. The genocidal Turkish state and special war forces, together with their collaborator KDP, are trying to weaken the struggle of the Kurdish people.
Rêber Apo talked about free Kurdishness based in Amed and collaborative Kurdishness based in Hewlêr. Within the framework stated by the leadership, it is desired to liquidate Amed-centered free Kurdishness by using the Kurdishness embodied in the KDP. As a result of the failure to achieve the desired success in the elections, some criticisms made by us and our people are taking advantage of the opportunity and an attack is being made against Amed-centered Kurdishness.
Undoubtedly, there are prominent aspects of the propaganda made in every election. The targeting of the overthrow of the AKP-MHP government in this election does not mean that the Kurdish people’s demands for freedom and democracy have been set aside. Moreover, these were revealed in the statements made to the public and in various meetings. The reason for the policy of overthrowing the AKP-MHP government is clear. Because this government has been fiercely attacking the Kurdish existence, language, culture, identity, achievements, and the will for a free and democratic life, especially since 2015. It carries out a policy of Kurdish genocide. Can there be any other great Kurdish advocacy like overthrowing such a government? It is not only hostile to Kurdishness; wants to eliminate. For this reason, it is understandable that the AKP-MHP government is targeted in this election. Where is this wrong? Kurdish language, identity, This attitude has been put forward in order to defend the free and democratic life and to gain a political status such as democratic autonomy. To express this as not defending the rights of Kurds with demagogic approaches is to inflate a balloon that will burst with a needle. No one should think that he will make his own mistakes accepted as a fact by building on the right criticisms.
Another diversion that the alliance with the democratic forces of Türkiye did not bring. Undoubtedly, the democratic alliance needs to be further expanded. Islamic segments with a democratic mentality, that is, those with a democratic understanding of Islam, should also take an important place in the alliance. We agree with the criticism that it is too narrow to include this and some other circles. We stated this before the election. What does it mean to go back? If such criticisms are evaluated regarding the election results, it is already very wrong. Before the HDP threshold was not passed, elections were held with independent candidates and a maximum of 35 deputies could be elected. This number was increased to 13.5 percent and 80 deputies with the HDP idea and its components that basically came together. However, after June 7, as a result of heavy attacks and of course fraudulent, the situation of 59 deputies with 10 percent emerged in the 1 November elections. These facts are proof that HDP’s multi-component party and alliance with some political forces have earned it. Those who did not see this as a new struggle strategy when the HDP decided to enter the elections as a party before June 7, said, “Why take this risk to become a member of parliament and join some people from Turkey?” more precisely, they were against entering the elections with the party for fear of staying below the threshold and not being able to become a member of parliament. In fact, they were in a similar approach to those who said that such oppositions do not bring alliances today. Previously, one of the democratic forces of Turkey was made a deputy, and with the HDP, a new strategy was put forward in line with the democratization of Turkey. Of course, being elected to the parliament as deputies who voiced the Kurdish identity and the demands of the Kurdish people had a political value. However, HDP reveals a political line and understanding of struggle that takes this even further. Previous political parties and their struggles continue to exist inherently in HDP. In the words of the ancients, it is implicit.
A JOINT FIGHT WITH THE DEMOCRATIC FORCES IN TURKEY MUST BE DEVELOPED
Undoubtedly, there is also a Kurdistani alliance. These are not alliances that can be opposed or substituted for each other or negate one another. However, every alliance also requires a certain understanding, partnership and unity. Just as every left socialist in Turkey cannot form an alliance with those who claim to be democratic, this cannot happen in Kurdistan either. How can an alliance be formed with those who curse and attack the 50-year-old struggle, the struggle being waged today! Parties under the direction of the KDP will not come to an alliance anyway. We know that the HDP is sensitive about the Kurdi alliance. Basically, the DBP needs to form an alliance with Kurdistan, and they need to form an election alliance with HDP. HDP is not just a Kurdish party so that Kurdi becomes a component of the alliance. DBP Kurdi forms an alliance. That is what is true. DBP is a component of HDP.
Let’s make the Kurdish alliance, let’s underestimate the alliances in Turkey, its approach is not the line of the DBP. This approach is wrong. One of the most fundamental tasks of the Kurdish movement is to prevent the genocidal colonialism from using the Turkish front against the Kurdish people’s freedom struggle by developing a joint struggle with the democratic forces in Turkey. This is an important aspect of the Kurdish people’s attainment of a free and democratic life. Everyone knows that the Kurdish Freedom Movement makes a great effort for the unity of the Kurdish people. As a matter of fact, since a correct policy was followed, an important development was experienced in the unity and joint action of the Kurdish people. It is known that a unity of 70-80 percent has been achieved in Bakurê Kurdistan. Undoubtedly, this needs to be developed further.
To sum up, the statements that the HDP does not adequately defend the rights of the Kurdish people are not true. Undoubtedly, it is true that it is insufficient in the struggle against the genocidal colonialist Turkish state. It is out of question for the Kurdish people to obtain their rights and attain a status without this struggle being waged effectively. Therefore, it is appropriate no matter how much it is criticized in this direction. The reasons for not being able to fight adequately and effectively should be eliminated. However, the most important dimension of HDP’s founding philosophy and idea, running a campaign against unification and alliance with Turkish democracy forces, is essentially an attack to weaken the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. In fact, the main target with this attack is the Kurdish Freedom Movement in general and its ideological-political line that has been making great gains for 50 years. HDP’s inadequacies, deficiencies, weaknesses are used for this. The HDP line is correct; Criticism becomes meaningful and valuable when it is said that this is not practical and that its deficiencies must be corrected. The criticisms made to strengthen the HDP are correct. However, saying that the HDP should abandon its founding philosophy and thought expresses a different level of criticism. Trying to present these as criticisms coming from the public is nothing but a perception operation that the private war, the MIT and the KDP want to create. The fact that some of our people express such things in good faith does not change this fact. and it expresses a different level of criticism. Trying to present these as criticisms coming from the public is nothing but a perception operation that the private war, the MIT and the KDP want to create. The fact that some of our people express such things in good faith does not change this fact. and it expresses a different level of criticism. Trying to present these as criticisms coming from the public is nothing but a perception operation that the private war, the MIT and the KDP want to create. The fact that some of our people express such things in good faith does not change this fact.
HDP IS A PARTY TALKING TO TURKEY
On the other side, there is propaganda that the HDP could not become Turkish and remained local. How realistic are the evaluations of HDP that it broke with the idea of solving the Kurdish problem by becoming Turkish and democratizing Turkey by solving the Kurdish problem, if not, what are we facing with these evaluations?
HDP is a party that offers solutions to Turkey’s main problems and Turkey in general. On the other hand, it is a party that has embodied all the democratic accumulation of Kurdistan and Turkey. It is a party that wants to solve Turkey’s fundamental problems on the basis of Turkey’s democratization. The solution of the Kurdish problem and the democratization of Turkey are intertwined. Due to the reality of Türkiye, both will take place in the same process and at the same time. Undoubtedly, the democratization of Turkey and the solution of the Kurdish problem on the basis of freedom and democracy is not something that can be achieved only with the HDP. It has many dimensions and actors. It is a mistake to think that it can only be resolved with the HDP and its struggle. HDP is a party addressing the whole of Türkiye. It is the party of everyone who wants freedom and democracy in Turkey. In this respect, it has already become Turkish with its establishment. It has achieved this with its program, its policy. There is no problem with this. Undoubtedly, there are problems in practice. On the other hand, some issues may come to the fore according to the periodical political situation. This cannot be considered as breaking with HDP’s line. From this point of view, the fact that some of the basic problems such as the Kurdish problem, the Alevi problem, the women’s problem, the laborers’ problem come to the fore from time to time cannot be considered as remaining local or following a narrow policy. What is important is that if there is a narrowing and locality in the general political approach and policies, then it can be criticized. From this point of view, the fact that some of the basic problems such as the Kurdish problem, the Alevi problem, the women’s problem, the laborers’ problem come to the fore from time to time cannot be considered as remaining local or following a narrow policy. What is important is that if there is a narrowing and locality in the general political approach and policies, then it can be criticized. From this point of view, the fact that some of the basic problems such as the Kurdish problem, the Alevi problem, the women’s problem, the laborers’ problem come to the fore from time to time cannot be considered as remaining local or following a narrow policy. What is important is that if there is a narrowing and locality in the general political approach and policies, then it can be criticized.
More responsibilities fall on the democratic forces of Turkey, who are among the HDP components, to address Turkey. In areas such as Central Anatolia and the Black Sea, Turkish democracy forces, democrats and socialists need to work harder. Those who say that they cannot become Turkish and remain local are those who do not see the Kurdish problem as Turkey’s most fundamental problem. Those who see the Kurdish issue as Turkey’s problem can make such assessments for the HDP, which sees the Kurdish issue as one of Turkey’s most fundamental problems. This is understandable. However, when HDP’s philosophy and ideas are taken into consideration, these criticisms should be seen as evaluations based on their own ideological and political approaches, not HDP’s line.
